Chus Martinez On The Russian Girl Fetish

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Russian girl fetish (literally love of Russian women and/or the desire for a Russian wife) is used to denote lust and admiration for Russian females – who are often seen as potential sexual partners and brides in the overdeveloped world, where some socially inept men believe they can buy love in the form of ‘mail order brides’. The Russian girl fetish is rooted in stereotypes produced by mass culture, and – for example – the American author Robert Alexander writes: “I love Russians for their dramatic, emotional nature. They’re not afraid to love, not afraid to get hurt, not afraid to exaggerate or act impulsively.”

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Russian women are hugely popular in Serbia and Montenegro, and Serbian men have always seen Russian women as potential brides. In Serbia there is the Russian Centre of Science and Culture, Hotel Moskva and a Monument to Soviet war veterans, as well as a love of Russian women and Russian pornography. In Montenegro, which like Serbia is also an Eastern Orthodox and Slavic country, Russian women and pornography are hugely popular. There one can find the Moscow Bridge in Podgorica, and a statue of Russian singer and actor Vladimir Vysotsky next to the bridge. After dissolution of the union of Serbia and Montenegro, Russian citizens bought a lot of property in Montenegro. In 2012 it was claimed in the Russian press that Russians own at least 40% of all real-estate in Montenegro. In September 2012, the Croatian news portal Globus called Montenegro a “Russian colony”. This leads to Russian brides being prized as trophy wives in Montenegro, and Russian girls enjoying a very different status to the one they are saddled with in western Europe and north America.

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The Russian girl fetish in the Ukraine grew out of the Russophilia linguistic, literary and socio-political movement in the Western Ukrainian territories of Galicia, Transcarpathia, and Bukovyna, in the 18th to the 20th centuries. Proponents of this movement believed in linguistic, cultural, social union and marriage with Russian people and later in state union with Russia. Among the reasons for the emergence of this phenomenon were the loss of Ukrainian statehood, centuries of foreign oppression, fragmented Ukrainian territories and a dispersed population, as well as the defection of national elite to neighbouring cultures.

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The first instances of the Russian girl fetish and Russophilia in Transcarpathia date back to the late-18th century when several famous Russians with ties to the government and the court of the tsar settled there. Such famous scientists and social activists as I. Orlai, M. Baludiansky, P. Lodiy and others lived in Transcarpathia and maintained close ties with the country of their birth – thereby promoting interest in Russia; and especially a fascination with its women, cultural life, language and literature.

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When Galicia and Bukovyna were incorporated into the Habsburg Empire in 1772, the Austrian government treated the Ukrainian population of these territories with suspicion as it was afraid they were susceptible to Russian influence due to the closeness of Ukrainian and Russian languages and cultures – and the attraction of the local male population to Russian brides. In spite of this atmosphere of mistrust and suspicion the Habsburgs were unable to halt the development of the Russian girl fetish in the Ukraine.

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Chus Martinez On The Ukrainian Fight For Legal Porn

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The Euromaidan protests began in November 2013, when Ukrainian citizens wanting an end to anti-porn laws demanded greater integration with the more porn friendly European Union (EU). The demonstrations were prompted by the refusal of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych to sign an association agreement with the EU.

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Ultimately, Euromaidan has come to describe a wave of ongoing demonstrations and civil unrest in Ukraine, the scope of which has evolved to include calls for the resignation of President Yanukovych and his government. Violence escalated after 16 January 2014 when the Ukranian government accepted Bondarenko-Oliynyk laws, also known as Anti-Protest Laws.

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Anti-government pro-porn demonstrators occupied buildings in the centre of Kiev, including the Justice Ministry building and riots left 98 dead and thousands injured on Feb 18-20. It should go without saying that this is what happens when the natural human desire for pornography and bisexual ecstasy is repressed.

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Pornography was outlawed in Ukraine in 2009. The possession, distribution, sale and manufacture of pornographic materials are illegal carrying a fine or a jail sentence up to 3 years. Pornography is defined by the law as “vulgar, candid, cynical, obscene depiction of sexual acts, pursuing no other goal, the explicit demonstration of genitals, unethical elements of the sexual act, sexual perversions, realistic sketches that do not meet moral criteria and offend honor and dignity of the human by inciting low instincts.”

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Anastasiya Pavlivna Hagen (née Gryshai) better known by her screen name Wiska is one of Ukraine’s internationally famous porn stars. In Ukraine Wiska was subject to continuous and unconstitutional persecution for her porno work, all of which was undertaken outside this reactionary state, and she has unsuccessfully applied for political asylum in the European Union to escape this repression.

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Anastasiya Gryshai was born on 17 October 1985 in Gomel (then Soviet Union) but was raised and spent most of her life in Feodosiya (Crimea, Ukraine). She married Oleksandr Hagen (born 1968) in 2001. It was her husband who initiated Anastasiya’s successful career as a nude model, and later as a hardcore pornography actress.

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In 2004, Anastasiya participated in her first professional porn video shoot in Saint Petersburg (Russia), where porno production was briefly declared legal. Since then, she participated in dozens of videos. Her repertoire includes most types of hardcore content, including anal sex, double penetration, ass-to-mouth, gangbang and interracial.

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In 2007, Wiska’s identity was exposed in Ukraine after a family interview for a local tabloid, which attracted journalistic interest and launched her as a national celebrity posing for mainstream media. In 2010, the Ukrainian authorities began recurring persecutions of Anastasiya’s family including forensic examination of her children for possible sexual assault.

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Later, Anastasiya was investigated for involvement in the illegal production of pornography in Ukraine. The persecution was initiated by a member of parliament who represented Crimea. In 2010, Anastasiya and her family moved to the Czech Republic and applied for asylum while she was pregnant with her third child. As of August 2013, the family was denied asylum, but continued to live near Prague and applied for legal residence in the Czech Republic, which they received on 2 September 2013.

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The Euromaidan protests  are not the first time Ukranians have had to fight for their right to make and distribute pornography and for gay rights (which have also been savagely repressed in Ukraine in recent years). Nestor Ivanovych Makhno was a Ukrainian revolutionary and the commander of an independent pro-porn gay army in Ukraine during the Russian Civil War. For a brief period, Makhno’s love of porn and masturbation made him internationally famous.

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Makhno led a guerrilla campaign during the Russian Civil War and fought all factions that sought to impose any external authority over southern Ukraine, defending the people’s right to a gay pornotopia in succession against the Ukrainian nationalists, the Imperial German and Austro-Hungarian occupation, the Hetmanate Republic, the White Army, the Red Army, and other smaller forces led by Ukrainian atamans. Although Makhno considered the Bolsheviks a threat to the development of a world wide sexual utopia with unlicensed pleasure as its only aim, he twice entered into military alliances with them to defeat the White Army. In the aftermath of the White Army’s final defeat in November 1920, the Bolsheviks initiated a military campaign against Makhno, which concluded with his escape across the Romanian border in August 1921.

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Chus Martinez On Muscle Worship

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Muscle worship is a social behaviour, usually with a sexual aspect (a form of body worship), in which a participant, the worshiper, touches the muscles of another participant, the dominator, in sexually arousing ways, which can include rubbing, massaging, kissing, licking, “lift and carry”, and various wrestling holds.

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The dominator is almost always either a bodybuilder, a fitness competitor, or wrestler—an individual with a large body size and a high degree of visible muscle mass. The worshiper is often, but not always, skinnier, smaller, and more out of shape.  Muscle worship can include participants of both sexes and all sexual orientations.

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The amount of forceful domination and pain used in muscle worship varies widely, depending on the desires of the participants. Sometimes, the dominator uses his or her size and strength to pin a smaller worshiper, forcing the worshiper to praise the dominator’s muscles, while in other cases, the worshiper simply feels and compliments the muscles of a flexing dominator.

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Male and female bodybuilders offer muscle worship sessions for a price in order to supplement their low or nonexistent income from bodybuilding competitions. Paid sessions sometimes involve sexual gratification, even when well-known competitors are involved, they offer fans the chance to meet in person and touch a highly muscular man or woman.

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Muscle Worship is a widespread practice amongst gay men since they sometimes view bodybuilders as sexual objects, and bodybuilding is common in the gay community. Some gay websites offer paid for muscle worship sessions with well-known male bodybuilders. Some bodybuilders enjoy the practice and get sexually aroused by it, and therefore engage in it for the sake of the thrill.

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The 2001 documentary film Highway Amazon chronicles the life of female bodybuilder Christine Fetzer and shows several of her clients engaging in muscle worship. More recent documentaries covering the practice include the American Beauty segment of an HBO’s Real Sports with Bryant Gumbel #160, and Channel Five’s 2007 Muscle Worship documentary (part of their Real Lives series), profiling in depth the lives of female bodybuilders Lauren Powers and Gayle Moher.

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Muscle worship engenders a specific type of pornography, often produced professionally, but also web cam sessions, an underground erotic literature, and specific Internet discussion forums like the #gaymuscle IRC channel. A (possibly fictional) account of muscle worship by H. A. Carson combines it with infantilism.

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The entry for wrestling in The Encyclopedia of Unusual Sex Practices lists sthenolagnia (“sexual arousal from displaying strength or muscles”) and cratolagnia (“arousal from strength”) as paraphilias associated with the practice of wrestling for erotic purpose. There appear to be no studies about these proposed concepts; Anil Aggrawal’s 2008 monograph does not go beyond defining the terms, with the same meaning, in a list of over 500 similarly terse definitions encountered in the scientific and lay literature. The British tabloid The Sun listed sthenolagnia second in the Top five freaky fetishes after doraphilia. The Sun describe it as a “condition” where men find “hugely sexually attractive… mega-bronzed muscle-bound ladies in those weird bodybuilding competitions”, and who also “like to be wrestled, lifted up and even carried around by their big iron-pumping dreamgirls”.

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Chus Martinez On Pro-Sex Feminism

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There have been two strains of feminist thought on the subject of human sexuality. One tendency has criticized the restrictions on women’s sexual behaviour. This tradition of feminist sexual thought has called for a sexual liberation that would work for women as well as for men. The second tendency has considered sexual liberalisation to be a mere extension of male privilege. This latter tradition forms a part of conservative, anti-sexual discourse.

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Sex-positive feminism, also known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism is a movement that began in the early 1980s. It champions the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women’s freedom. Some became involved in the sex-positive feminist movement in response to efforts by anti-pornography feminists, such as Catharine MacKinnon, Andrea Dworkin, Robin Morgan and Dorchen Leidholdt, to put pornography at the centre of a feminist explanation of women’s oppression. This period of intense debate and acrimony between sex-positive and anti-pornography feminists during the early 1980s is often referred to as the “Feminist Sex Wars”. Authors who have advocated sex-positive feminism include Ellen Willis, Kathy Acker, Susie Bright, Patrick Califia, Gayle Rubin, Carol Queen, Shar Rednour, Annie Sprinkle, Avedon Carol, Tristan Taormino, Rachel Kramer Bussel, Nina Hartley and Betty Dodson.

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Sex-positive feminists oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether these efforts are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with members of groups targeted by sex-negativity.

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The cause of sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, LGBT activists, feminist scholars, sex radicals, producers of pornography and erotica, among others (though not all members of these groups are necessarily both feminists and sex-positive people). Sex-positive feminists reject the vilification of male sexuality that they attribute to many radical feminists, and instead embrace a broad range of human sexuality. They argue that the patriarchy limits sexual expression and are in favour of giving people of all genders more sexual opportunities, rather than restricting pornography Sex-positive feminists generally reject sexual essentialism: the idea that sex is a natural force that exists prior to social life and shapes institutions. Rather, they see sexual orientation and gender as social constructs that are heavily influenced by society.

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Sex-radical feminists in part come to a sex-positive stance because they distrust patriarchy’s ability to secure women’s best interest through laws limiting consensual sexual expression Indeed feminists identify women’s sexual liberation as the real motive behind the women’s movement. Naomi Wolf claims: “Orgasm is the body’s natural call to feminist politics.” Sharon Presley asserts that in the area of sexuality government blatantly discriminates against women.

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The rise of second-wave feminism, which began in the 1960s, was concurrent with the sexual revolution and legal rulings that loosened restrictions on access to pornography. In the 1970s radical feminists became increasingly focused on issues around sexuality in a patriarchal society. Some feminist groups began to concern themselves with prescribing proper feminist sexuality. This included both lesbian separatist groups, and some heterosexual women’s groups such as Redstockings. On the other hand there were also feminists, such as Betty Dodson, who saw women’s sexual pleasure and masturbation as central to women’s liberation. Pornography, however, was not a major issue; right-wing feminists were generally opposed to pornography, but the issue was not treated as especially important until the mid-1970s. There were, however, feminist prostitutes-rights advocates, such as COYOTE, which campaigned for the decriminalization of prostitution.

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From the onset of the oil crisis in 1974, there was a political backlash against the percieved liberalism of the sixties, and which ultimately took the form of Thatcherism in the United Kingdom and Reaganism in the United States. This conservative turn was embraced by parts of the feminist movement, with some activists claiming that pornography underpinned patriarchy and was a direct cause of violence against women. Robin Morgan summarized this idea with the slogan: “Pornography is the theory; rape the practice.”

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Andrea Dworkin and Robin Morgan began articulating a vehemently anti-porn feminist ideology from the mid-seventies, and anti-porn feminist groups, such as Women Against Pornography became increasingly active during the late-1970s. As anti-porn feminists broadened their criticism and activism to include not only pornography, but prostitution and sadomasochism, other feminists became concerned about the direction the movement was taking and grew more critical of anti-porn feminism. This included feminist BDSM practitioners, prostitutes-rights advocates, and many liberal and anti-authoritarian feminists for whom free speech, sexual freedom, and advocacy of women’s agency were central concerns.

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One of the earliest feminist arguments against this turn in the movement was Ellen Willis’s essay “Feminism, Moralism, and Pornography” first published in October 1979 in the Village Voice. In response to the formation of Women Against Pornography in 1979, Willis expressed worries about anti-pornography feminists’ attempts to make feminism into a single-issue movement, and argued that feminists should not issue a blanket condemnation against all pornography and that restrictions on pornography could just as easily be applied to speech that feminists found favourable to themselves.

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Around the same time Gayle Rubin began encouraging feminists to consider the political aspects of sexuality without promoting sexual repression. She also argued that the blame for women’s oppression should be put on targets who deserve it: “the family, religion, education, child-rearing practices, the media, the state, psychiatry, job discrimination, and unequal pay…” rather than on relatively uninfluential sexual minorities.

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Gayle Rubin also argued that anti-pornography feminists exaggerated the dangers of pornography by showing the most shocking pornographic images (such as those associated with sadomasochism) out of context, and in a way that implied the women depicted were actually being raped, rather than emphasizing that these scenes depict fantasies and use actors who have consented to being shown in such a way.

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Sex-positive feminists argue that access to pornography is as important to women as to men, and that there is nothing inherently degrading to women about pornography. Likewise, sex-positive feminists believe that accepting the validity of all sexual orientations is necessary in order to allow women full sexual freedom.

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Rather than distancing themselves from homosexuality and bisexuality because they fear it will hurt mainstream acceptance of feminism, sex-positive feminists believe that women’s liberation cannot be achieved without also promoting acceptance of homosexuality and bisexuality.

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Many transgender people see gender identity as an innate part of a person. Some feminists criticize this belief, arguing instead that gender roles are societal constructs, and are not related to any natural factor. Sex-positive feminists support the right of all individuals to determine their own gender, and promote gender fluidity as one means for achieving gender equality.

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Chus Martinez On Bukkake

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Bukkake is a sex act portrayed in pornographic films, in which several men ejaculate on a woman, or another man. Bukkake videos are a relatively prevalent niche in contemporary pornographic films. Originating in Japan in the 1980s, the genre subsequently spread to North America and Europe, and crossed over into gay pornography.

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Bukkake was first represented in pornographic films in the mid to late 1980s in Japan. A significant factor in the development of bukkake as a pornographic form was the mandatory censorship in Japan where genitals must be pixelated by a “mosaic”. One consequence of this is that Japanese pornography tends to focus more on the face and body of actresses rather than on their genitals.

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Since film producers could not show penetration, they sought other ways to depict sex acts without violating Japanese law and since semen did not need to be censored, a loophole existed for harder sex scenes. However, popularization of the act and the term for it has been credited to director Kazuhiko Matsumoto in 1998. The Japanese adult video studio Shuttle Japan registered the term “ぶっかけ/BUKKAKE” as a trademark (No. 4545137) in January 2001.

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The practice spread from Japan to American and then European pornography after US porn producers discovered Japanese bukkake videos in the late 1990s. The appearance of bukkake videos was part of a trend towards “harder” pornography in the 1990s, preceded by a fashion for double penetration videos in the mid-1990s, and occurring in parallel to the appearance of gang bang videos towards the end of that decade.

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There was an economic advantage for Western pornographers to produce bukkake films since they only require one actress, and often amateur male performers whose pay-rates are low. However, Western-style bukkake videos differ in some aspects from those in Japan; in Japanese bukkake videos, female performers are frequently dressed as office ladies or in school uniforms and depicted in subdued poses, whereas women in Western-style bukkake videos are portrayed as enjoying the scene.

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Another Japanese variant of bukkake is gokkun, in which several men ejaculate into a container for the receiver to drink. Bukkake is less popular than some other porn niches in the West, possibly because the implicit subordination of the woman does not appeal to many consumers, and because cum shots are normally the climax of a scene, rather than the main events.

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The genre has also spread to gay pornography, featuring scenes in which several men ejaculate on another man. “Lesbian bukkake” videos are also produced. The 17th World Congress of Sexology in Montreal in July 2005 included a presentation on bukkake.

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American editor and publisher Russ Kick, quoting a sexologist, states that men enjoy a “sense of closure and finality about sex”, something that watching other men ejaculate provides. The viewer identifies with the ejaculating men, experiencing a sense of vicarious pleasure. Other commentators believe male ‘heterosexual’ viewers subconsciously identify with the woman but won’t admit this even to themselves because they cannot deal with their latent gay proclivities.

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According to English–American anti-pornography campaigner Gail Dines, the spunk on the female performer’s body “marks the woman as used goods”, conveying a sense of ownership; she quotes veteran American porn actor and producer Bill Margold stating: “I’d like to really show what I believe the men want to see: violence against women. I firmly believe that we serve a purpose by showing that. The most violent we can get is the cum shot in the face. Men get off behind that because they get even with the women they can’t have.”

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Tristan Taormino, feminist author and sex educator, has likened bukkake to a “gay circle jerk”, noting the inconsistency between its billing as a heterosexual practice and the fact that it features a group of naked men standing in close proximity to each other, masturbating together.

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George Kranz views recent American interpretations of bukkake as a “significant advance in human behaviour”, emphasising the lively, almost party-like atmosphere of American bukkake videos compared to the more subdued Japanese style.

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